HONG 
            KONG An excess of high-profile, low-output summitry risks 
            diverting energies from real issues to photo opportunities. 
            
 
Recent days have seen 
            the much publicized meeting of APEC, the Asia-Pacific Economic 
            Cooperation group, in Pusan, South Korea, attended by George W. Bush 
            and President Hu Jintao of China, and the largely ignored meeting of 
            the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation in Dhaka. In 
            four weeks, half these leaders will be in Kuala Lumpur for the 
            16-member East Asian Summit, which now includes India , Australia 
            and New Zealand. Before that is the first Asean-Russia meeting, a 
            consolation prize for President Vladimir Putin for not being asked 
            to the bigger gathering.
            
 
None of the above 
            leaders, however, will be at the far more important gathering - the 
            World Trade Organization's ministerial meeting in Hong Kong next 
            month. The crucial decision on world trade issues that need to be 
            made at the highest level will be negotiated instead by trade 
            ministers, often lacking strong negotiating mandates and mostly 
            figures of moderate political weight.
            
 
Yet the latest summits 
            illustrate just why the success of the WTO meeting is so important 
            to all concerned. APEC was able to make a plea for WTO progress and 
            a well-deserved and none-too-veiled admonishment of Europe for its 
            obstruction of progress on the key issue of agriculture. But the 
            disparate interests represented by APEC were unable to offer either 
            proposals which could contribute to a breakthrough, or threat to 
            retaliate if Europe did not budge. Indeed the Korean farmer 
            demonstrators were a reminder that the positions of Korea and Japan 
            on farm trade are also significant obstacles to WTO progress and 
            rule out a common APEC stance.
            
 
The APEC meeting also 
            showed why East Asia finds it so difficult to find the political 
            common ground necessary for regionwide trade agreements along the 
            lines of those in North America and Europe. China and Korea both 
            took the opportunity to massage nationalism by attacking Prime 
            Minister Junichiro Koizumi of Japan for his shrine visits. While 
            APEC may provide an opportunity for bilateral talks, its 
            achievements in Pusan were scant - some rote statements about 
            cooperation on that now perennial issue, terrorism, and the new one, 
            bird flu, on which no one can disagree. 
            
 
While broad-based East 
            Asian economic cooperation makes slow progress, bilateral free trade 
            agreements continue to sprout. APEC itself, with its so-called "open 
            architecture" approach to trade liberalization, gives an imprimatur 
            to these deals, which are slowly but surely undermining the 
            fundamental principle of the WTO - nondiscrimination. The bilateral 
            agreements are driven more by political interests - mainly those of 
            the United States and China - than by economics. In theory they 
            might stimulate broader trade liberalization, but in practice create 
            confusion and new categories of special interests. 
            
 
Over in Dhaka the 
            previous week, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation 
            was no more successful. India-Pakistan rapprochement should have 
            been a good platform from which this postponed meeting could make 
            progress. But all the smaller members fret about what they see as 
            India's overbearing attitudes. Normally diplomatic, Prime Minister 
            Manmohan Singh of India ruffled feathers by talking about the danger 
            of "failed states," apparently a reference to Nepal and Bangladesh 
            rather than to the failed states within India's borders. 
            
 
Retribution for India 
            came with the demand from the smaller members that in return for 
            admitting Afghanistan, an "observer" category would be created that 
            would allow China (and Japan) to attend - a sure way of diluting 
            Indian influence.
            
 
SAARC has been making 
            some progress toward negotiating a free trade area. But the 
            obstacles are many, including India's pursuit of bilateral deals. 
            Regional trade in South Asia is minimal, mostly for political 
            reasons, and cooperation on vital issues like water and transport 
            are also bedeviled by politics. Thus, hopes that the region continue 
            the rapid progress it has made - from a low base - toward being a 
            global player will depend more on what happens to the WTO than to 
            SAARCs snail's progress.
            
 
If there is a silver 
            lining in Pusan and Dhaka, it must surely be the realization by 
            China and India of the overriding importance of WTO if their own 
            outward-oriented growth is to continue. Both could best show up the 
            European Union's obstructionism and their own commitment to the WTO 
            by being prepared to offer greater trade liberalization in other 
            areas, like services and manufactures. Asia needs to stop talking 
            and offer leadership.