Hong Kong and China:
Trade pact opens door to cronyism By Philip Bowring/IHT (IHT) Tuesday, June 24, 2003
Hong Kong's chief executive, Tung Chee-hwa, has hailed CEPA as a way
out of Hong Kong's difficulties and a step to restore confidence. Another
official described it as a "candy store." But at best it is a public
relations exercise largely devoid of content, intended to make the public
believe the unpopular government is taking meaningful steps to counter the
territory's economic difficulties. At worst it will it undermine Hong
Kong's position as a separate trading entity. In either case, the haste
with which it has been assembled will sully Hong Kong's reputation for
treating trade negotiations with the utmost seriousness.
There is nothing intrinsically wrong with bilateral free trade
agreements. But the content and the motive of what is being rushed into
being are suspect. Foreign chambers of commerce have always been wary of
CEPA as at best a political stunt and possibly the thin end of a wedge
against foreign business in Hong Kong. The way this is now presented will
not relieve these suspicions, whatever made be said publicly.
There is little significance in free trade in manufactured goods. Most
Hong Kong manufacturing has migrated across the border already. What
matters to Hong Kong is export of services and access to service
industries in China. The promise is that CEPA will give Hong Kong earlier
access than others to services to be liberalized in China under the rules
governing China's accession to the World Trade Organization. At first
glance that sounds good for Hong Kong. But the reality is different.
First, the details of which industries will be affected and when seem
likely to be vague and entirely determined by China. Second, it seems
likely that China will decide on the criteria for giving preferential
treatment to Hong Kong companies. This would probably introduce an ethnic
or national element into the definition of a Hong Kong company - a
dangerous precedent for an economy that thrives on internationalism and a
level playing field.
The arbitrary and discretionary nature of CEPA access would also open
up new avenues for corruption, from which Hong Kong is relatively immune,
and enlarge the scope for the favoritism and protection of oligarchies of
which the Hong Kong government is now often accused.
Lastly, China's favoritism toward Hong Kong will undermine Hong Kong's
reputation at the WTO, where it is a champion of multilateralism, and
tempt other countries to extend any restrictions on Chinese products and
services to those from Hong Kong.
Politically, CEPA enables Beijing to present itself as helping Hong
Kong in its hour of need, and for Tung to present the relationship with
the motherland as more beneficial than the public generally believes. Tung
doubtless hopes that it will help offset the resentment at new security
laws which many view as a serious threat to free speech and to Hong Kong's
internal autonomy. These are currently being bulldozed through a compliant
and unrepresentative legislature in the face of widespread opposition from
foreign governments as well as from local business, church and
professional groups and most directly elected politicians.
It does not seem to occur to Tung that for a still very rich Hong Kong
to be looking for economic favors from a still poor mainland is both
demeaning for Hong Kong and a threat to the "one country, two systems"
concept, which is supposed to protect Hong Kong's separate status.
CEPA is another example of an administration wanting to prove itself
more patriotic than even Beijing expects, and to subject business to
patriotic tests that can only undermine foreign interest in the territory
and enhance cronyism. CEPA is a Trojan horse. |
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