HONG
KONGChina has long hankered after a role in international affairs
commensurate with its size. But suddenly it finds itself with an embarrassment
of influence. It holds a critically important position on the two most crucial
economic issues now facing the world: the future of the World Trade Organization
after the debacle at Cancún, and the role of Asian currency valuations in
avoiding a trade war.
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At Cancún, China joined hands with Brazil
and India to lead a united front of developing countries that demanded that rich
countries commit themselves to removing agricultural export subsidies before
being prepared to move, if at all, on the new issues being pushed by Europe and
Japan.
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Many in the developing world rejoiced at
the breakdown at Cancún, seeing it as a victory for the poorer nations and a
vindication of efforts by antiglobalization forces. Better, they argued, that
negotiations break down than allow the developed world once again to sit tight
on agriculture while extending the remit of the WTO into nontrade issues such as
investment rules. Similar satisfaction was evident among rich-country interests
who had been worried that the negotiations might lead to the dismantling of farm
subsidy schemes that impoverish efficient farmers elsewhere.
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But while China certainly agrees with the
developing countries' position on agriculture, and would benefit from an end to
export subsidies, it has a vital interest in ensuring that the WTO regime is not
undermined by rich-poor deadlock. It continues to look to foreign trade and
investment to lead economic growth. Trade represents a much higher proportion of
gross domestic product than in India, Brazil or other large developing
countries. Much of its foreign investment is made on the assumption of ready
access to global markets for manufactures.
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The Beijing government also invested a
huge amount of domestic political capital in its efforts to join the WTO,
agreeing to conditions that have led to painful reforms causing factory closures
and job losses. China may hope that regional trade liberalization might take up
some slack should global trade falter, but it is no substitute for further
global liberalization. Indeed, China is not opposed to WTO discussion of
investment rules that many developing countries reject absolutely.
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Thus China has a vital interest in trying
to get the Doha round of trade negotiations back on track. That may be
impossible any time soon because of the approach of the U.S. presidential
election, or because Europe and the United States will dig in so adamantly on
agriculture that there can be no progress on other issues. But China can provide
a lead in encouraging flexibility by developing countries, which other nations
dependent on foreign trade and investment, such as Malaysia, will follow. The
bottom line is that the developing world has most to lose from continuation of
the trade status quo.
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China would be doubly influential on the
trade question if it moved on the other issue: its currency. The unsustainably
high U.S. trade deficit is not China's fault. The problem of global trade
imbalance involves the whole of East Asia, whose chronic surpluses have financed
a U.S. external debt of about $1.5 trillion. Possibly Japan is, unusually, now
taking a lead. Reduced dollar buying by the Bank of Japan has allowed the yen to
rise by 6 percent against the dollar over the past month. But China is still the
key to a general realignment of Asian regional currencies that reflects economic
realities.
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With threats of retaliatory tariffs
emanating daily from influential quarters in the United States, there is now a
danger of a trade war erupting before nations can begin to heal the wounds of
Cancún. A currency move would also improve China's standing among other
developing countries who consider their industries are being damaged by Chinese
competition.
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If China can resist playing to a
nationalist gallery, it should be able to link the WTO and currency issues in a
way that is in its long-term interests and that helps the world move from the
brink of trade and currency conflict to a more sustainable balance of trade. To
do so it will need help, which may not be forthcoming from an election-year
United States, from a Europe divided among itself and from the likes of India
and Brazil, for whom trade is not so vital.
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But it is a measure of how far China has
come in international standing as well as economic development that it now
occupies this crucial position.