Meanwhile: On Dhaka's
streets, two radical changes By Philip Bowring Wednesday, January 15, 2003
Last October the government began a nationwide crackdown on crime,
bringing in the army to aid and guide the police. Robbery, extortion,
murder, rape and related crimes had become so commonplace that few felt
safe at night in Dhaka's dimly lit streets. The police force itself was
either a bystander or involved in crime out of greed or fear of
retribution from better-armed gangsters, who often enjoyed protection from
local politicians.
With the army to restore its backbone and provide firepower, the police
rounded up many people on its lists of criminal suspects. The jails are
bulging, the courts are working overtime - and not a few of the more
notorious criminals appear to have met their end at the hands of the rough
and informal justice (or injustice) being meted out by the joint
police/army operation known as Clean Heart.
The new tactics raise grave human rights concerns, even though the
government has mostly used legal powers and has grudgingly obeyed court
orders to release or bail some suspects. But there is no doubt that the
campaign is popular among all levels of society, the poor perhaps most of
all. Many defend the campaign's excesses, saying that sacrificing
individual human rights may be necessary to ensure the safety of the
majority.
Begum Zia seems sincere in her efforts to break the links between crime
and politics that have long besmirched Bangladesh democracy and caused
otherwise sympathetic aid donors to tighten their purse strings. Many in
the opposition acknowledge the success of the drive, though insisting that
it is at least partly aimed at them.
Senior members of the opposition - and journalists and academics
sympathetic to it - have been detained. But the government points out that
many of its own party activists have also been arrested. Begum Zia
coalition in Parliament has a large majority and she has firm grip on her
party, so she has been able to take risks with some followers to enhance
her leadership image.
The question now is whether the operation, which is scheduled to end
soon, will have lasting results. When the army goes back to barracks will
the police go back to their old ways? Could the army itself be corrupted
by involvement with civilian issues? Will many of those arrested
eventually be released by the courts for lack of evidence and return to
business as usual? Will democracy be undermined as the army assumes a
national guardianship role like that claimed by the military in countries
such as Turkey?
It is too much to hope that law and order can be improved so
dramatically without deeper changes in society. But politicians now know
that law and order, however obtained, are popular.
Even more popular is Dhaka's newly clean air. As of Jan. 1, the
two-stroke three-wheelers that clogged the streets and belched lead-laden
fumes into the still air of a dense city have been banished - and the
change has been dramatic. Not for the traffic: Slow-moving but
nonpolluting pedal rickshaws have proliferated in place of the
three-wheelers, which will gradually return as new gas-powered ones
arrive. But what might have been a politically hazardous move, depriving
drivers of a livelihood, has been a huge success.
The ban has also been a demonstration of the impact that Bangladesh's
numerous nongovernmental organizations have on a government machinery
devoid of initiative. NGO activists forced the issue by gathering data on
such ills as lead poisoning of children.
NGOs have also been instrumental in achieving a ban on plastic bags.
Such environmental concerns may seem surprising in a nation where many
remain underfed and illiterate. But they show that that in an open society
where NGOs are admired, not just tolerated, they can offset some of the
failings of a creaky bureaucracy and a democracy which often seems more
about personalities and elite competition than about policies for the
public good. |
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