NEW DELHI
The tsunami's aftermath
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If any silver lining can ever be found in
the tsunami's devastation, it could be the recognition of common destinies
between South and Southeast Asia, joined as they are by one sea and much history
of shared culture and commerce.
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Here in the heart of the densely
populated plain of the Ganges, the oceans can seem a long way away. The Arabian
Sea is a thousand kilometers distant from India's capital, and the Bay of Bengal
is 1,200. So it perhaps not surprising that India's top bureaucrats and
politicians have tended not to attach too much importance to the nation's 7,500-
kilometer coastline and even to the Indian Ocean. That may explain why the
government never found the money to participate in, let alone lead, any projects
for tsunami warnings.
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The Bay of Bengal and the southeastern
Coromandel coast facing the Andaman Sea had been particularly neglected in
recent decades. In that period, Calcutta's importance declined dramatically
relative to that of Mumbai. India's modest foreign trade looked increasingly
westward, to Europe and the Gulf. Development of international ports was
concentrated in Gujarat and Maharashtra. The backwardness of the long coastlines
of Orissa and Andhra Pradesh contrasts with the rapid development of the western
coasts. India's modest forays into beach tourism were in Goa and Kerala, both on
the southwestern Malabar coast. The east coast and the Andaman Islands saw
nothing comparable to these, let alone to the ways that Sri Lanka and Thailand
exploited their sun, beaches and coral.
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India may like to assume that it is the
natural hegemon of the Indian Ocean, but its neglect of its navy and its failure
to provide a positive leadership role in regional cooperation meant that the
Indian Ocean has been more of a vacuum, partly filled by the U.S. presence at
Diego Garcia. Even more obvious has been India's failure to develop links with
its immediate Southeast Asian neighbors, Indonesia and Thailand.
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It was not always thus. India's cultural
influence has spread eastward more than westward. Buddhism spread by sea as well
as land. Hinduism still flourishes as far east as Bali, and Indian-derived
scripts now used in Thailand and Cambodia were even found in the Philippines
until they were gradually displaced by Spain's Roman script. For centuries ships
from India's eastern ports dominated shipping in Southeast Asia and provided a
key link between East and West Asia. Britain's Indian empire began life at
Madras and reached its apogee with the construction not of imperial,
westward-oriented ex-Mughal New Delhi but of the commercial gateways Calcutta
and Mumbai.
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But independent India's neglect of the
sea was changing before the tsunami. Emerging from its quasi-isolationist shell,
India was beginning to recognize that its possession of these two coasts gives
it a central position in Asia of which it needs to take better advantage
commercially and strategically. Spurred by China's moves into Southeast Asia and
its links to Pakistan and Iran, and by its own rediscovery of commercial acumen,
India was awakening to its seas. Just two months ago Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh said that the coming years would "see the importance of safeguarding
India's coastline, island territories, offshore assets and sea lanes of
communication."
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The navy and coast guard are getting
bigger budgets. India has begun anti-piracy cooperation with Malaysia and -
doubtless to the irritation of China - is to have a joint naval exercise with
Singapore. The city-state's dominant Chinese ethnicity has not blinded it to the
need for closer ties with this closer-than-China giant, and especially with
Tamil Nadu and its capital Madras, now a focal point of India's
information-technology success.
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The tragedy has spurred India into a
leadership role, as it joins the United States, Japan and Australia in a relief
operation. This is a sign of the linkage that India now sees between its seas
and its security as much from a strategic point of view as for disaster
prevention and relief. It needs to act like a benign regional leader, not a
bully to smaller countries. Meanwhile, the sufferings of Sri Lanka, Indonesia
and Thailand will surely bring home to their governments the merit of treating
India as a friendly neighbor rather than distant and estranged relative.
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